THE FRONT RUNNERS

Evarist Bartolo
Hailing from a Nationalist family, Evarist Bartolo represents a departure from tribal politics. After flirting with Catholic and Marxist student politics, Bartolo drifted towards Labour as a matter of personal choice.
After teaching in an experimental school founded by anti-mafia activist Danilo Dolci – the “Gandhi of Sicily” – he joined a very partisan Xandir Malta (today’s PBS) as a news reporter. After 1987 he was appointed editor of Labour organ il-Helsien.
He made substantial inroads in middle class districts, being returned from the Nationalist oriented 10th and 12th districts in every election since 1992. As Education Minister in 1996 he embarked on the modernisation of schools, while clashing with students over stipends.
In 2003 he contested for the post of deputy leader for party affairs but was soundly beaten by Michael Falzon.

Strength: His inroads into Nationalist leaning and middle class areas bodes well for the 55-year-old Labour stalwart’s ability to reach out to former PN voters. Surely his DNA is compatible with that of blue voters. Despite his charm and pragmatism, he can be hard-hitting and cunning: two essential qualities for a Labour leader facing a formidable Nationalist Party.

Weakness: Evarist Bartolo’s 16-year-old political baggage includes clashing with students over stipends and hitting out at Prof. Kenneth Wain for holding on to public office while openly supporting EU membership before the 2003 referendum. Although he took a more independent profile in the past five years, he is widely perceived as a Sant man.

The Gonzi barometer: He can rival Gonzi’s charm and image as a family man. As opposition leader he has the political acumen and experience to give Lawrence Gonzi a good run for his money without alienating middle-of-the-road voters. Although it will be easy for him to win the battle for wits, Bartolo will find it harder to win the battle for the electorate’s trust.

Joseph Muscat
Economist Joseph Muscat represents a generation of Labour activists with no connection to the party’s Mintoffian past.
His first foray into politics was joining a budding team of journalists at Super One radio led by Evarist Bartolo. In 1995, at just 21 years of age, he became the youngest member of the Labour Party’s executive.
In 2001 he was appointed as the first editor of the MLP’s web portal Maltastar.com. Following Labour’s defeat in 2003 he co-authored the MLP’s new policy on the European Union together with Evarist Bartolo and George Vella. He also chaired the general conference which heralded the party’s acceptance of EU membership.
In 2004 he emerged as the frontrunner among Labour’s candidates standing for elections in the European Parliament, gaining 36,958 first count votes.
He was appointed Vice President on the EU parliament’s committee for economics and monetary affairs.

Strength: As leader he would clearly represent a break with old Labour antics. His active participation in the European parliament and the trust he enjoys among European Socialists exorcises any lingering doubts on the MLP’s European credentials. His age and image will also help him reach out to the younger generation of voters, who clearly gave the MLP the cold shoulder in this election.

Weakness: Once nicknamed “il-poodle”, Muscat is still perceived as an Alfred Sant acolyte even if as an MEP he showed an independent streak calling for an impact assessment for any plan for golf course development. And at just 34 years of age, he stands out as the youngest candidate in the race. Yet if elected Muscat will still not go down in history as the youngest MLP leader, because Dom Mintoff became MLP leader at 33.

The Gonzi barometer: Muscat has sufficient charm and appeal to rival the PN leader’s strong standing among voters. With his experience at the European level he projects a more cosmopolitan and less provincial image than the PN leader. As a seasoned economist he would also score points with discerning voters. But Gonzi could play the safe pair of hands card against a young and relatively inexperienced MLP leader.

Michael Falzon
Although relatively young at 46, the fireworks and hunting enthusiast who keeps a holy picture of the Virgin Mary in his pocket, stands out as the most traditional of the leadership contenders.
As the party’s election manager between 1993 and 2003, Falzon stood out as the brain behind the MLP’s electoral machine. Although very close to former deputy leader George Abela before 1998, Falzon remained in the trenches despite his mentor’s departure.
In 2003 he won the contest for deputy leader for party affairs beating Evarist Bartolo who was perceived as Alfred Sant’s preferred choice.
In May 2007 he lambasted leaks from within the Labour party HQ and pinpointed, without mentioning names, that MLP insiders had orchestrated a frame-up.
In the election he emerged as a constituency heavyweight, becoming the party’s frontrunner in both Labour leaning 2nd district and Nationalist leaning 10th district.

Strength: By leading the MLP’s electoral office he commands the respect of Labour’s rank and file troops. By holding out to the very end at the Naxxar counting hall to concede his party’s defeat, he showed stamina and moderation on a difficult day for his party.

Weakness: His “old Labour” antics and choice of hobbies alienate him from more sophisticated voters. His “ole ole ole” and “where are the lions?” tribal chants, immortalised on Youtube, do not help his ratings among discerning voters, either. News that it was he who had called on the electoral commission to extend voting time by an hour is bound to create ripples among delegates. His reactions to critical reports on the independent media have also exposed an intolerant streak in the bubbly politician. By rubbishing surveys showing that the PN was ahead on the eve of the election, Michael Falzon was also guilty of ignoring the writing on the wall.

The Gonzi barometer: In the absence of a radical make over, he is clearly no match for Gonzi’s charm, appeal and political acumen. He might find it harder than Sant himself to face a presidential contest with Lawrence Gonzi.

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THE OUTSIDERS

George Abela
After showing his organisational skills leading the Malta Football Association between 1982 and 1992, George Abela joined the MLP’s leadership triumvirate which won the 1996 election on a platform to abolish VAT and freeze the EU membership application.
In 1998 he abandoned the MLP’s sinking ship after disagreeing with Sant’s decision to call an early election following Mintoff’s one-man revolt, which denied him his one seat majority in parliament.
Abela retained his post as legal advisor of the General Workers Union, and in 1999 joined the militant leadership in blocking a police bus carrying arrested union activists to prevent it from reaching the police headquarters: an action for which they were later pardoned.
A year later Abela fell out with Tony Zarb and was heavily involved, on a personal basis, in MEUSAC: the steering committee that discussed government’s negotiating position with the EU. Eddie Fenech Adami publicly thanked him for his work in two mass meetings.
However, when contacted by MaltaToday after the referendum result, George Abela said he would not comment on either the referendum result or the Labour Party’s interpretation. “Don’t say ‘no comment’,” Abela pleaded. He added: “I am a lawyer now.”
Abela, Stafrace & Associates – the legal firm in which Abela is a partner – carried out the bulk of MEPA’s caseload in the past years.
Abela’s next foray into the public arena took place in April 2004 when he was appointed as a facilitator by the General Workers Union and three other unions engaged in discussions on the re-structuring of Air Malta. This led to a breakthrough in the discussions with the government.
In 2006 port workers defied the GWU leadership by appointing Abela as their legal representative. After falling out with Tony Zarb, a new trade union called the Malta Dockers’ Union was set up and Abela was appointed as its legal advisor – a move which deprived the GWU of the latent power to paralyse the country by blocking the ports.

Strength: He is perceived as a moderate and an architect of the MLP’s ephemeral triumph in 1996. By working for Malta’s membership in the European Union he is not associated with the party’s eurosceptic days. History has vindicated him after the MLP went on to lose three consecutive elections after ignoring his warning not to go for an early election in 1998. He also enjoys respect among moderates and Nationalists, and could counter the fear factor that proved so successful against Sant. It will be very difficult for the other leadership contenders to oppose Abela’s call to give all party members a say in the election of the new leader.

Weakness: He lost internal support after abandoning the party on the eve of the 1998 election. He twice failed to stand up against Alfred Sant, even if many clamoured for his return in 1998 and 2003. Now 60 years old George Abela could be well past his heyday. Not surprisingly enjoying little support among delegates, Abela is calling for the election of the leader by MLP members.

The Gonzi barometer: It is difficult to imagine a contest between Gonzi and Abela simply because they are so similar to each other. It will be very difficult for the PN to demonise the man who earned the praise of both Lawrence Gonzi and Eddie Fenech Adami, but voters would be tempted to ask: why opt for change if the Labour leader is a mirror image of the PN leader?

Anglu Farrugia
The former police inspector has a history of failed bids for leadership posts. In 1998 he contested Dr George Vella for the post of deputy leader for parliamentary affairs, mustering only 24% of the party delegates. In 2003 he set his eyes on the leadership getting 26% in his bid to oust Alfred Sant. Following his defeat, Anglu Farrugia confirmed his maverick status in the party by opposing the approval of the EU constitutional treaty.

Strength: A “what you see is what you get” sort of candidate, who speaks his own mind without fear. He can also be lauded for having the gall to contest Alfred Sant in 2003, when stronger candidates backed away.
Weakness: He stands out as an old Labour type with a restricted appeal to party diehards. In the absence of proof, his allegation that the PN had actually bought votes to win the election sounds very irresponsible.

The Gonzi barometer: A contest between Gonzi and Farrugia would be a re-enactment of the contest between Karmenu Mifsud Bonnici and Eddie Fenech Adami.

Charles Mangion
Elected for the first time to parliament in 1987, the Luqa politician stood out as moderate and business friendly face. In 1996 he resigned from Minister for Justice and local councils after failing to consult with Cabinet before recommending a Presidential pardon for a man convicted of drug possession, as he was required to do by law.
Elected deputy leader after Sant’s second consecutive defeat in 2003, Mangion beefed the party’s economic policy reaching out to middle of the road voters. Yet his professional involvement as notary in controversial business deals like the Jerma and Pender Place development has dented his reputation.

Strength: His moderation and business friendly approach makes him an electable candidate. He has always shown great maturity in dealing with media criticism. He is the only contemporary politician to shoulder political responsibility by resigning from a cabinet post.

Weakness: His thoughtless remark that Nationalists have a different DNA undermined his reputation as a moderate. His business and professional links expose him to potential conflict of interests.

The Gonzi barometer: As evidenced in this election, Mangion clearly lacks the political punch to deliver any knock out blows on Lawrence Gonzi.

Karmenu Vella
Although two years younger than Alfred Sant, Karmenu Vella is the only one among the leadership contenders to have served as Minister under three Labour Prime Ministers. Elected in parliament at just 26 years of age in 1976, he was appointed Minister for Works by Dom Mintoff in 1981 and as Minister for Industry by Karmenu Mifsud Bonnici in 1984. In 1996 he was appointed Tourism Minister by Alfred Sant.

Strengths: His managerial abilities and experience in the private sector give Karmenu Vella an edge over the other candidates. He is also remembered as one of Alfred Sant’s most successful ministers in the 1996-1998 interlude.

Weakness: He represents continuity rather than a break with the past. His links to business could also expose him to conflicts of interests.

The Gonzi barometer: Karmenu Vella can rival Lawrence Gonzi’s charisma and could come across as a better manager; but Gonzi could come across as a better all rounder with a lighter political baggage.

Marie-Louise Coleiro Preca
Coleiro Preca emerges as the most successful female politician in the Malta Labour Party in recent times. A former leader of the MLP’s women section in Mintoff’s administration, Coleiro Preca was elected to parliament for the first time in 1998 with 2,205 votes.
She increased her vote tally to 4,439 in 1998. In the last election she emerged as the second most popular MLP candidate after Alfred Sant with 5,490 votes. As the party’s spokesperson on social policy she gave a wider and more inclusive definition of the family.

Strength: She represents a degree of continuity between old Labour’s strong social values, which were somewhat neglected under Sant’s leadership, and new Labour pragmatism. Her populist approach was a good antidote for Alfred Sant’s managerialism. She would be the first female MLP leader.

Weakness: Her poor knowledge of economic issues could spell trouble for Labour. She is also perceived to champion old Labour values which are alien to the more affluent middle class.

The Gonzi barometer: She is clearly no match for a seasoned leader and political all-rounder like Lawrence Gonzi. However, she might counterbalance his “family friendly” image, and would certainly be difficult to demonise.