For Malta, the were was about EU accession and the end of the political careers of Eddie Fenech Adami and Alfred Sant: their successors tried to usher in a ‘new way’ and ‘new season’ of politics. But their mission is far from over, KARL STAGNO-NAVARRA writes.
Politically, the first decade of the new millennium was a brand new beginning. As thousands celebrated the ushering in of the much awaited 2000, a whole generation pondered what the future would bring in terms of change. A decade is a long time, but to politicians it’s two legislatures.
And for others, it was the twilight of their careers. President Guido de Marco, Prime Minister Eddie Fenech Adami, Labour leader Alfred Sant and Archbishop Joseph Mercieca would take their final bow in the new millennium.
But although a whirlwind blew over the nation in the past ten years, have we really witnessed a change with a capital ‘C’?
With the exception of Alfred Sant who still is an MP, the retirement of Eddie Fenech Adami and Guido de Marco from the political scene may seem to be represent change: the leaders of yesteryear are no longer here. But their absence has also created a vacuum not only in intellect, but of a political class that stood above from the rest.
The gentleman-politician era was made by men who survived World War II and who lived by the word ‘honour’. Betrayed by their age, and unfortunate for this generation, their absence is a casualty of the decade.
Fenech Adami’s retirement in 2004 kick-started Lawrence Gonzi’s leadership of the PN and of the country on the day Malta joined the European Union. With an Accession Treaty signed just a day after Fenech Adami secured Malta’s entry to the EU in April 2003, Lawrence Gonzi inherited a fait-accompli and flew to Dublin a mere three weeks in office, waving the Maltese flag together with nine other leaders from new member states.
Gonzi’s ascent to power was a fast one, and perhaps the most unpredicted career in Malta’s political history, as stalwarts like Louis Galea and John Dalli were left to look on in disbelief as to how this man managed to climb the political ladder in no time at all.
From Speaker of the House, to Minister, Deputy Prime Minister and Prime Minister in just 15 years, Gonzi gradually gained popularity as a change of guard was completed in all key positions of administration.
But feuds, reminiscent of the leadership race in 2004, took shape in July that same year, when John Dalli, then foreign minister, was pressured into resignation after falling victim to a politically-driven plot to oust him. The Prime Minister had believed a false report that was given to him by a failed bidder on a multi-million contract for Mater Dei Hospital, leaving Dalli no choice but to resign. But it took Gonzi a good three years to finally attempt to rehabilitate John Dalli. Things between the two men were never the same ever again.
Many might have assumed that the divide between the two men was buried, but Dalli’s injured pride could not be healed even when he was entrusted with a mega ministry soon after the 2008 elections.
Gonzi had just won his biggest ever gamble. He challenged fate by riding high on the GonziPN slogan, and managed to just scrape through with the thinnest of majorities to claim his very first personal electoral victory, after failing the European Parliament and local council elections in succession. Critics who dubbed him a serial loser had their statement returned to sender.
While Labour secretary-general Jason Micallef ran into hiding, following his premature TV statement that raised hopes of party faithful for the long-awaited victory, leader Alfred Sant tendered his ‘irrevocable’ resignation citing the “power of incumbency” exercised by his rival to win the election. Alfred Sant had lost the election, braving a campaign during which he was subjected to medical treatment for a tumour that was successfully removed just days before Christmas of 2007.
Other PL casualties were deputy leaders Charles Mangion and Michael Falzon, both protagonists of ‘gaffes’ while addressing the crowds. Mangion was taken to town over the ‘PN DNA’ remark, while Falzon was laughed at for his ‘lion roar’ at Luxol.
Gonzi’s new PN But while a series of changes were unfolding within the PL, Prime Minister Lawrence Gonzi found himself leading a government with a one-seat majority in parliament.
His new cabinet, formed in March 2008 had no Louis Galea, who saw his political career interrupted after failing to be elected. Ninu Zammit, Jesmond Mugliett, Louis Deguara and Francis Zammit Dimech were no longer ministers, and were infuriated at their leader for having sent them an SMS stating that their services were “no longer required”.
So while the cabinet saw the return of John Dalli, the Prime Minister saw the formation of a two-tier parliamentary bench, with a backbench made of disgruntled former ministers who never forgave him for the way he handled them. Zebbug backbencher Jeffrey Pullicino Orlando, who was elected from two districts notwithstanding the embarrassing Mistra planning permit saga, which saw two MEPA members being charged and later acquitted of trading in influence, survived the internal pressure to resign his seat.
Pullicino Orlando was initially crowned by PN secretary-general Joe Saliba as being ‘key’ to the PN’s miraculous victory, but was subsequently ‘dumped’ by the GonziPN faction who tried to ride on a police investigation, which led to the arraignment of the two MEPA DCC members, who were acquitted of all charges in 2009.
On the PN backbench, the club of disgruntled grew wider as Sliema heavyweight Robert Arrigo strengthened his voting base but was kept out of the cabinet, while newcomer Franco Debono started to ruffle his feathers in a bid to gain influence as much as the rest of his new colleagues.
As Eddie Fenech Adami stepped down from the presidency at the end of his five-year term, the PN backbench was up in arms over the Prime Minister’s choice to keep the nomination of former Labour deputy leader George Abela for presidency, away from them. Some members of the backbench were furious that Louis Galea, who was now Speaker of the House, had been ignored for the position even though he was apparently ‘promised’ the post; and that George Abela’s nomination was revealed to them in the newspapers rather than through discussion in Parliamentary Group.
As George Abela took office in April 2009, Gonzi’s parliamentary group became even more fragmented, as many MPs resorted to the media to make their voice heard. Joe Saliba stepped down from secretary-general after 10 years, and Valletta mayor Paul Borg Olivier took over his post at the brand new Dar Centrali.
Inside Labour While the PN’s symbol of resistance – the Stamperija – during the turbulent 1970s and 1980s was demolished and rebuilt, Labour had also gone through its revolution. After presiding over three general election losses in a row, Alfred Sant was calling it a day. The writing had been on the wall since the 2003 election loss and his ‘Partnership’ misadventure, where he drew great unpopularity by cementing the anti-EU label that Labour has been trying so hard to shake off. His men – Jimmy Magro, George Vella, and Joe Brincat – all lost out on the anti-EU ticket. When Sant lost the 2008 election, even after the explosive Mistragate attack on Pullicino Orlando, he stepped down, along with deputy leaders Charles Mangion and Michael Falzon, who would pursue an unsuccessful bid for leadership.
From Brussels came a new, young leader: MEP Joseph Muscat promised his own political earthquake and a progressive agenda, but many still ask when all this will actually take place. Others say he is still hostage to Labour’s past by opening up to former members like Alex Sceberras Trigona, or Anglu Farrugia, who was elected deputy leader.
But Muscat also tried to rid himself of a final ‘Sant element’ – Jason Micallef – by first appointing a CEO as his right-hand man, and then finally securing the resignatio of Micallef. Under Muscat, Labour learnt how to set the agenda, and obtained a massive electoral victory over the PN during the June 2009 European Parliament elections securing the election of four MEPs over the two elected by the PN. While the PN consoled itself with Simon Busuttil’s record 70,000 personal votes, Labour celebrated Joseph Muscat’s very first electoral success.
Hopes and fears in 2010 Labour’s fourth MEP seat was devastating for the PN, triggering an uproar within the parliamentary group that accused the administration of not being in synch with the people. Parliamentary group meetings became rowdy and confrontational, while accusations were levelled at ministers over ‘bulldozing’ reforms, or worse, of having conflicts of interest.
Finance minister Tonio Fenech was taken to task over his freebie trip with magnates Joe Gasan and George Fenech. Lawrence Gonzi then decided to ‘offload’ his former political rival John Dalli to the post of European Commissioner. Dalli, the self-avowed ‘father confessor’ to the disgruntled backbench, was out of the way, but Gonzi found himself yet again falling into a vortex of dissent. As the backbench struggled to accept the fact that they were now orphaned of a potential frontman, Gonzi was left to face the angry elements of the dissenting backbench.
One example is Franco Debono, who sent a shocker to Lawrence Gonzi’s government as he purposely absented himself for a parliamentary vote. As the Prime Minister and the PN tried to downplay the incident, Gonzi and his wife Kate made a surprise visit to Franco Debono’s home in Ghaxaq – the incident spiralled a media frenzy on Debono’s actions. Until today, Debono has been giving conflicting versions about his absence for the vote, paving the way for a tumultuous beginning to 2010.
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